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Liberalism is in the DNA of every human being

Georges-Louis Bouchez President of the MR

180 years of the liberal party: the President’s speech

14/06/2026
In brief

This Sunday, 14 June 2026, the Mouvement Réformateur gathered to celebrate the 180th anniversary of the Belgian liberal party, founded on 14 June 1846. A date that coincided this year with Father's Day, which President Georges-Louis Bouchez did not fail to point out, paying tribute to our "Founding Fathers" along the way.

On this occasion, the President delivered a speech on what makes liberalism unique and powerful: a demanding philosophy, founded on respect for the individual, the rationality of debate and everyone's responsibility in building society together. A philosophy which, unlike others, has never been overthrown by the peoples who adopted it, because it corresponds to the deep DNA of every human being.

He also unequivocally named the three dangers threatening our democracy today: unbridled individualism, religious radicalism and political extremism. And he reaffirmed the MR's line: state neutrality, refusal of any compromise with extremists, and priority given to argument over insult.

Finally, he called for the mobilisation of everyone over the next three years: to reform with courage, to explain tirelessly, and to approach 2029 with the pride of those who had the courage to take responsibility.

Read below the full speech by President Georges-Louis Bouchez, delivered on 14 June at the Palace of Academies

Good morning to everyone, thank you for your welcome, and thank you also for the testimonies we just heard, because I believe they must have stirred in you, perhaps not the same emotion, but in any case an emotion, a reflection, and also a commitment: those were important words. And what we truly wanted this morning, to celebrate the 180th anniversary of our political movement, was not to string together political speeches, but to show liberalism and freedom in everyday life, with all those who carry this beautiful philosophy every day. Today, someone told me: "it's a bit unusual to organise such an event on Father's Day". But in the end, and I take this opportunity to wish a happy Father's Day to everyone lucky enough to be one in this room, in the end, is there a more fitting day to celebrate our Founding Fathers?

180 years ago, to the very day, there was a handful of people, often men, unfortunately at the time, we improved ourselves afterwards, since today we have as many female as male ministers, well, they came together to carry an ideal, a political ideal. And 180 years later, the question we must ask ourselves is whether they would be proud of what they built. I think we can already reassure them on one point: liberal philosophy is the only political philosophy in human history that has worked. The only one. Today we have people who claim allegiance to a whole range of political philosophies that have caused millions of deaths, created poverty, led to conflicts, and in any case have always been rejected by populations. The only political regime that has never been overthrown by the people, and therefore rejected, is the liberal model. It is the liberal model that, nevertheless, is so demanding. Because today one might wonder why this philosophy, which has worked, which has borne and will continue to bear so much fruit as I will explain later, is criticised to such an extent. It is criticised, vilified, attacked because it is demanding. It is demanding because liberal philosophy is the philosophy of respect. And it is hard to have respect every day. Because respect translates into addressing the intelligence of the individual. Not letting oneself fall into feelings, into impulse, into the moment when an easy remark is tempting. It is the philosophy of always addressing one's interlocutor on the basis of rational arguments. That doesn't always bring good fortune, since, imagine, Socrates was killed for it. And so yes, sometimes continuing to hold rational reasoning against the irrationality of our feelings is hard labour that can generate hatred in some. Opposition, caricature. But one can only be a proud and dignified liberal if one preserves this demand for respect, which is expressed through intelligence, clarity and the rationality of one's words.

It is also a demanding philosophy because it is one of responsibility. It is the one that holds that a society cannot be built by the state, but by each and every one of you. It is a philosophy that does not tell you that someone will take care of you. It is a philosophy that tells you to get involved, for each of you to act, and that is the reason for the three witnesses we chose today, for each of you to do what you can to improve the world. That can sometimes be very small things: simply working, helping one's family, helping one's neighbour. It can also mean fighting great battles. We are all actors in the society in which we want to live. And that, of course, is not always popular. It is not always popular to tell everyone that it is not someone else who makes society, but that we are all small bricks of this greater whole. It is also a demanding philosophy because it requires work, which is in a way the corollary of both intelligence and responsibility. Indeed, to carry a well-constructed message, one must study, one must work. To build the society one wants, one must make efforts, get up early in the morning, sometimes not always achieve the desired result, but never lose hope, because one knows the goal one is pursuing.

Then you will tell me, if that's liberalism, what an arid philosophy! What a complicated philosophy! No, ladies and gentlemen, it is the most beautiful of all, because the fruits it bears are the most beautiful. These fruits are what allow us to gather this morning. These fruits are, above all, freedom. Now, everyone talks about freedom in their own way. But why has liberalism worked? Because liberalism corresponds deeply to the DNA of every human being. If you leave a child alone, what will it do? It will do exactly everything you don't want it to do. I am currently going through this exercise myself. It will run everywhere, it will test everything you don't want it to test, and above all, whatever you tell it, it will choose its own life. That is precisely why no population has ever risen up against a liberal regime. Never. Of course, elections can be won or lost, but never violently. For a simple reason: you all want to be free, because your conception of life is not mine, and thankfully so. Your will… is not the same as mine, and thankfully so. But what we have in common is that we want no one to dictate to us what we must do. And that is the most beautiful promise of liberal philosophy: this capacity to make choices.

These choices, of course, lead to an obligation that is also one of the fruits of a liberal society: equal opportunity. Because when one wants to be free, one does not simply want to be equal to the other. One wants equality of possibilities, the ability to choose one's life. But you do not want your neighbour's life. And I think, moreover, that your neighbour doesn't want your life either, otherwise he would have taken it. Equal opportunity is what allows, through culture, through education, people to flourish, to obtain the tools to choose their life. We are not going to tell you what choice you must make, but we must ensure that whatever choices you make, you have the tools to meet them. That is why today I would like to salute the work of one of us, because yes, education is the cornerstone of the liberal project. You cannot call yourself a liberal if you don't want every child to acquire basic skills. One cannot call oneself a liberal if one wants freedom for oneself but doesn't give others the ability to benefit from it too. So today, if we want to help education, we must strengthen authority, because that is a fundamental rule if we want discipline and a sense of responsibility. We must also raise standards, because we must prepare young generations to face a world that is not always simple, but full of opportunities. But we must also, and this is certainly one of the guiding lines of our political action, ensure that this school is of quality today, but also tomorrow. And so yes, ladies and gentlemen, responsibility means continuing to guarantee funding for this education. It means continuing to guarantee an organisation that is sustainable. It means preparing education for the challenges of the future, whether technological or, for example, those of declining birth rates or learning new trades. Yes, making these choices is sometimes complicated. Making these choices does not always make one popular in the moment. But making these choices is what constitutes the greatness, dignity and sense of responsibility that every political leader should have. That is why I really ask you to applaud Valérie Glatigny warmly. In this regard, I would like to tell teachers how essential they are, how much they have all our respect, how much our door will always be open. Because teachers are undoubtedly the women and men with the greatest responsibility in this country, that of shaping new generations. So yes, perhaps indeed, and I am neither blind nor deaf, we may have differences, disagreements with one or another. That is the principle of liberal democracy. But at no point, at no point, will there be a lack of respect, a lack of listening, a lack of commitment towards these women and men who today, as I said, have the most essential role for our society and who must be valued more than ever. Some will say that all this is just words. These are not just words. We have continued throughout these months to explain, and we will continue to do so, to meet people. And that is really the message I want to convey. That we will do it, wherever, whenever. Because this demand for respect I mentioned must lead us precisely to help everyone understand why these decisions are made. And never hesitate to bring new ones, to open the horizon, but always ensure there is respect between those involved.

The third fruit of this liberal philosophy is the creation of shared wealth. Because you often hear the argument that ultimately it only benefits the rich. Just imagine: 180 years ago, if wealth had been a plate, the circumference of that plate would have been 23 cm. If today's wealth had to be put in a frying pan, because there is no plate that size, that pan would be more than 30 metres across. Global wealth has multiplied more than a hundredfold over the past 180 years. One might say that this wealth has only benefited a few. We have reduced extreme poverty like never before in the history of humanity. We have ensured that everyone, in countries that apply liberal philosophy, has access to free education. This is the highest life expectancy in human history, the highest median and average wealth levels, with Belgium being one of the most equal countries on the planet. Liberal globalisation, though much criticised, has ensured that in countries such as China, where 54% of people lived on less than 3 dollars a day in 2000, today, in 2026, no one in China is in that situation anymore. Through this liberal philosophy, we have increased knowledge, technology and health conditions, including in our own countries. Because I know it is not popular to say this. But the application of a liberal, open, globalised economy has also doubled purchasing power in Belgium since 1990. So, do people still struggle today? Do people suffer? Of course. And my remarks are certainly not meant to diminish these realities. Is work sufficiently rewarded? It is not. But that is precisely why we work every day to keep improving conditions, to keep strengthening freedom, to keep working towards our prosperity and growth, which is an essential lever for improving everyone's life.

Then, of course, you will ask me why I raise the issue of this wealth that has supposedly increased in recent years, simply to highlight one point: if our model requires reforms, it would be a huge mistake to throw it away. It would be a historic mistake to succumb to the temptations of the three dangers that today are poisons within our society. These three dangers are unchecked individualism, religious radicalism and political extremism. Because yes, as liberals, we have a duty to remind everyone that a liberal society is not one of unbridled individualism. A liberal society, in the Belgian tradition, is one that creates the conditions for freedom for everyone and, in doing so, asks everyone to give up a few individual principles in order to foster a collective life that develops well-being for all. One should not believe that liberal philosophy means every man for himself. That is a radical vision that has absolutely nothing to do with our political movement, nothing to do with the tradition of our founding fathers, who, as you saw in the introductory film, were the first to organise the lightest possible, most efficient, yet most essential regulation, if equal opportunity is to become a reality. Today's poison is also religious radicalism. And I am proud, ladies and gentlemen, to lead a party, the last French-speaking party, that truly defends the neutrality of the State. Liberalism is not against religions, but liberalism, precisely in this fight against unchecked individualism, knows that for everyone to have religious freedom, the State must ensure it has none of its own. Liberalism knows that for everyone to be able to practise their faith, the State must neither favour nor penalise any one religion. That is why, more than ever, we must fight to ensure that our State has neither a philosophical nor a political, and even less a religious, orientation, but is guided solely by the rule of law. The law, that rule which applies to everyone, that rule which is the fruit of social consensus, that rule which is the expression of a societal will. Of course, this religious radicalism is today one of the three dangers which, and this is a peculiarity of these poisons, reinforces the others. Today, religious radicalism is a driving force for certain right-wing political extremisms. Considering the other to be a danger is a temptation our political movement has never succumbed to and never will. Our political movement upholds freedom of expression just as firmly as it commits, once and for all, to never collaborating with either the far right or the far left. We have never done so, whether structurally or on an ad hoc basis, and we never will. For liberals, even obtaining a one-off one-third majority to refer a text to the Council of State, or to vote on an issue close to our hearts such as abolishing the Senate, cannot be achieved with extremists. Because when you allow extremists to tip parliamentary majorities, you set foot in machinery from which there is no return. You make them the masters of the game. And I did indeed say extremisms, plural. Because today, right-wing extremism identifies the foreigner as the threat. Left-wing extremism identifies the wealthy, those who do not think like them, those who have the misfortune of not subscribing to their collectivist thesis. So yes, these two philosophies, and I reaffirm it here, must be placed on an equal footing. Both ideologies are utterly toxic. Both ideologies operate according to the same logic: singling out an other, an other who would be the bearer of all ills, someone to be denigrated and fought, who, as if by magic, would improve your life. A happy society will never be built with one group fighting another. History has shown this time and again. A happy society is one that considers the individual not by their origins, not by their religion, not by their skin colour. A happy society is one that considers the individual by what they express, by what they do, by their individuality.

That is why, ladies and gentlemen, we will need to be extremely strong and courageous. Because I will not hide from you that lately I have been quite astonished by the lack of respect and intelligence in public debate. Quite astonished by some people's failure to take responsibility, quite astonished by others' lack of effort. Because today, when people are called fascists at every turn, when debate is refused, when insults replace the rational exchange of arguments, one paves a motorway for these extremes. In the long run, I would even say I am not worried, because these extremes always end up destroying themselves. They grow, grow, grow, and then devour themselves. But how much damage will be done in the meantime? That is why, ladies and gentlemen, we have a very present responsibility: over the next three years, to keep carrying out reforms, courageous reforms. And also, during that same period, every day, to explain, to persuade. Because, as I have shown you, our political philosophy is demanding. It must be explained. It must be demonstrated. Indeed, it proves itself every day through its results. But for that, ladies and gentlemen, we will need everyone's mobilisation. Because my conviction today is that the liberal movement is more indispensable than ever for our country. That's fortunate, because 180 years on, the liberal movement has never been stronger. We are present in every government. The centre of gravity of political debate in Belgium, and particularly in French-speaking Belgium, revolves around us. That is a tremendous honour, but also a very great responsibility.

So let us not spoil this moment. Let us not fall into complacency. Let us not be swept up by the noise. Noise remains just noise. But we must follow our project. We must remain true to our demands. We must work, work and work even harder. Because by 2029, we must have a reformed Belgium. And in 2029, ladies and gentlemen, I announce it to you: we will win the elections. We will win the elections because I am certain that people will recognise those who had the courage to take responsibility, those who had the courage to carry a coherent and consistent vision for society, those who had the courage to bear responsibility in service of freedom. Happy anniversary to everyone. Be proud to be liberals!

Since we're in a celebratory mood. We're going to celebrate the cake, but there is a second anniversary we're celebrating today. That of one of our ministers, Anne-Catherine Dalk, who of course deserves a small bouquet of flowers. So I invite her to join me. So… I don't want there to be any confusion. She was born on the same day as the Liberal Party, but not in the same year. Because this morning, in the MR's WhatsApp groups, that wasn't very clear. So, as you can see, she is one of our youngest ministers. Let's give her a big round of applause, since she has an essential role with our farmers. I also invite Frédéric Deguct to join me to cut the cake. And if you'd like to enjoy some cake, there are portions available at the exit. So don't worry, we're not keeping it all to ourselves, because liberal philosophy is also generous. Happy Father's Day, and a very good Sunday to everyone. Thank you very much.

Automatically translated from French. Read the original